The conclusions of the Federal Police in the investigation that Minister Alexandre de Moraes ordered to be opened in June last year, to investigate suspicions of “crimes against democracy” on the part of international companies that operate social communication networks, are further material proof of the degree of deformation to which the STF reduced police activity in Brazil today.
The inquiry, in a serious democracy, could never have been opened, as it was intended to investigate a crime that simply does not exist – to give an opinion on a law being discussed in the National Congress. The police, in the same type of society, could not write the report they wrote either. The evidence presented is press news and the opinions of a university department in Rio de Janeiro that functions as a political cell, plus the police officers’ personal judgment on the case.
No one can be accused of being against the approval of a law – or of being for it. After all, bills are there for just that: to be debated.
The banality with which the public authority treats the permanent violation of laws in Brazil ended up producing a curious phenomenon: with each investigation it carries out, the Federal Police becomes more like Minister Alexandre de Moraes. He no longer tries to do, in the cases he handles, the professional work that the public expects from the police – that is, finding out what actually happened. His concern is to be a kind of prosecutor’s assistant for the minister, every time he combines the functions of judge and prosecutor at the same time. Does he want us to discover this or that? So let’s find out exactly what he wants discovered.
This aberration, naturally, is leading the PF to produce increasingly aberrant conclusions. It’s a kind of assembly line. For example, the “apparent aggression” that was allegedly carried out against Moraes at Rome airport has already emerged – a hitherto unknown type of crime. The police also say, with all the seriousness in the world, that they discovered slingshots and marbles with the “scammers” on January 8th; they speak in a tone of very serious denunciation, as if they had discovered the secret weapon that Doctor Silvana would use in his plan to control the world. They have become the greatest experts on the planet in seizing cell phones, notebooks and passports. They managed to get Colonel Mauro Cid’s “prize-winning plea bargain”, a hydrogen bomb that would destroy Bolsonarism; To this day, five months later, we don’t know what was revealed.
The social media survey is another jewel in the crown. “Large technology companies, namely Google and Telegram”, concluded the researchers, “adopted impactful and questionable strategies contrary to the approval of Bill 2,630” – that of social media censorship, a dream of Lula, Moraes and , as we see now, from the PF.
Leave aside anomalies such as the use of the expression “questionable”, a value judgment that is not for the police to make in an investigation. Insanity, in this story, is accusing someone of being against the gag law. Like this? No one can be accused of being against the approval of a law – or of being for it. After all, bills are there for just that: to be debated. Accusing Google and Telegram of being against PL 2,630 is the same as accusing a deputy of taking the stand and demanding the rejection of the text defended by the government.
Not even the PF was able to say that the companies committed “crimes against democracy”. But today you don’t waste trips on these things. As it is not possible to officially say that Google and Telegram committed an opinion crime, the police accuse them both of crimes against “consumer relations” and “abuse of power”, although they do not have the power to issue a fine for prohibited parking. . But it is to this level that it descends, when governments create a political police.
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